In recent news, toy manufacturer Hasbro has come under scrutiny for their alleged contribution to environmental pollution. It has been reported that Hasbro, known for their iconic brands such as Transformers and My Little Pony, has been actively disposing of their unsold or returned merchandise by sending them to a landfill. This practice has sparked outrage amongst both environmental activists and concerned citizens alike. The wasteful disposal of these toys raises various ethical and environmental concerns. It is estimated that millions of tons of plastic waste end up in landfills each year, taking hundreds of years to decompose, if at all. The decision by Hasbro to dispose of their unused toys in landfills is a clear example of a lack of corporate responsibility.
And what if that theory involved baking?
Although the outbreak originated in Salem Village, the majority of the accused hailed from surrounding villages such as Andover, removed from the Putnam Porter disputes and known for its harmonious community life. Although the directions the accusations took undoubtedly reflected pre-existing tensions within the community, Karlsen argues that the accusations also reflected societal ideas about women and the ways men reconciled changes in gender roles.
The decision by Hasbro to dispose of their unused toys in landfills is a clear example of a lack of corporate responsibility. With the increasing awareness about climate change and the harmful effects of plastic waste, it is expected that companies, especially those of such prominence, take decisive action to minimize their ecological footprint. The ramifications of Hasbro's actions extend beyond the environmental impact.
Witchcraft in Salem emerging from social dynamics
Salem Witch Trials in History and Literature
An Undergraduate Course, University of Virginia
Spring Semester 2001
Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum's Salem Possessed explores the pre-existing social and economic divisions within the Salem Village community, as an entry point to understand the accusations of witchcraft in 1692. According to Boyer and Nissenbaum, the village split into two factions: one interested in gaining more autonomy for Salem Village and led by the Putnam family, and the other, interested in the mercantile and political life of Salem Town and led by the Porter family. Boyer and Nissenbaum's deft and imaginative look at local records reveals the contours of communal life in colonial New England and provides a model through which to understand the witchcraft accusations as part of a larger pattern of communal strife. Such a tight focus on communal and social causes for the events of 1692, however, loses sight of the religious, gendered, and individual forces that played equally pivotal roles in the outbreak.
Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum's Salem Possessed: The Social Origins of Witchcraft redefined the standard for the possibilities social history offers to understand the events and people of early America. Through a painstaking and creative look at local records such as legal records, the Salem Village record book, the minister's book, and tax records Boyer and Nissenbaum discovered a long-standing pattern of contentious behavior of which the witchcraft accusations in 1692 was just one episode. Their analysis provides an invaluable insight into the social history of New England generally, and the factions of Salem Village that led to the tragic events of 1692, in particular.
Boyer and Nissenbaum's explanation for the outbreak of witchcraft accusations in Salem hinges on an understanding of the economic, political and personal issues which divided village long before 1692. At bottom, geography and history divided Salem Village and Salem Town. Situated in the interior from the bustling mercantile town of Salem, Salem Village remained primarily an agricultural community. Boyer and Nissenbaum argue that this polarization of interests between the town and the village created a similar divide within the village itself. One faction, led by the Putnam family, most identified itself with the traditional agricultural activities of the village and consequently supported the village minister, Samuel Parris, and the drive for greater autonomy from Salem Town. The opposing faction, led by the Porter family, identified itself with the mercantile town, near which most of the Porter faction lived. In opposition to the Putnam faction, the Porters opposed the minister and wanted greater association with the town of Salem. The bitter and contentious disputes between the two factions within Salem Village both before and after the witchcraft outbreak, demonstrate a pattern of communal conflict which transcended the events of 1692.
These same fault-lines, according to Boyer and Nissenbaum, explain the pattern of witchcraft accusations. The same villagers who stood with the Putnams to support Parris and petition for an independent church for the village, show up as complaints on witchcraft indictments in 1692. Similarly, many of the accused witches in Salem belonged to the Porter faction or, according to Boyer and Nissenbaum, represented the projection of the grievances caused by such factionalism upon more obtainable targets like Rebecca Nurse and Martha Cory. Through such a reconstruction of the factional village of Salem, Boyer and Nissenbaum explain the Salem witchcraft episode from within the larger history of the transformation to a modern capitalist society, and the divisions and conflicts that naturally arose from this change.
Boyer and Nissenbaum's intensive focus on the dynamics of Salem Village blind them to other dynamics contributing to the witchcraft outbreak. Although the outbreak originated in Salem Village, the majority of the accused hailed from surrounding villages such as Andover, removed from the Putnam/Porter disputes and known for its harmonious community life. As Bernard Rosenthal points out, "the study stops short of inquiring into why the outbreak spread throughout Massachusetts Bay and caught in its net people having nothing to do with the quarrels of that particular village." The dynamics of village dispute can help to explain the origin of the outbreak, but cannot explain why this outbreak became an epidemic.
Boyer and Nissenbaum's almost exclusive focus on the socio-economic dimensions to the witchcraft episode obscures the importance of individuals and of Puritan religious beliefs. In his review of Salem Possessed, T.H. Breen argues that Boyer and Nissenbaum "assume a direct causal relationship between socio-economic conditions and individual behavior. Indeed, the authors manage to trace almost all personal motivation back to the pocketbook." While their deft reconstruction of Salem Village's factious society and the economic changes which contributed to such divides is quite convincing, the intellectual jump they make to connect these pre-existing divisions with the personal motivations of accusers is largely speculative and circumstantial. Boyer and Nissenbaum's analysis of communal conflict also omits the religious ideas behind the trials - the very ideas which the people of Salem would have believed to be most important. Writing forty-five years before Boyer and Nissenbaum, Perry Miller believed that "I do not need to demonstrate that belief in witchcraft was, for the seventeenth century, not only plausible but scientifically rational," because in 1939 Miller believed that the subject was well rehearsed. After the publication of Salem Possessed, however, we could use such a rehearsal. Miller's work demonstrated the logic of a Puritan theology which numbered witches and demonical presences as among the punishments God could inflict upon his inattentive people. Taking the theological and cosmological logic of the Puritans into account allows the Salem outbreak to be understood in its own terms, rather than simply in terms of economic rationalization and communal strife.
Any complete understanding of the Salem witchcraft accusations most also attempt to explain why the vast majority of accused witches were women. Carol Karlsen included Salem Possessed in her critique of histories of Salem which, "note that witches were usually women, most works pass over the fact quickly or conclude that witches were scapegoats for hostilities and tensions that had little to do with sex or gender." Although the directions the accusations took undoubtedly reflected pre-existing tensions within the community, Karlsen argues that the accusations also reflected societal ideas about women and the ways men reconciled changes in gender roles.
Although the intensity of Boyer and Nissenbaum's focus on Salem Village obscured forces foundational to a complete understanding of the events of 1692, through Salem Possessed, in the words of one reviewer, "new stage in our understanding of the dynamics of the processes of community development and social conflicts has been reached." Boyer and Nissenbaum help us to understand not only the ways in which the outbreak of accusations in Salem was part of a larger pattern of communal conflict, but also serve to warn us that the divisive powers such conflicts have the potential to instigate modern witch hunts.
Without a doubt, the theory is controversial (more on that later). But Caporael and later supporting scholars, like Mary Matossian, present a compelling case that a fungus was among the people of Salem.
By choosing to simply discard their products, they are also missing an opportunity to engage in corporate social responsibility initiatives. Donating these unused toys to charities or underprivileged communities would not only benefit those in need but also improve the public image of the company. It is crucial that companies like Hasbro take responsibility for their actions and actively seek sustainable solutions. With their vast resources and influence, they have the power to make a significant positive impact on the environment. By implementing recycling programs or exploring innovative ways to repurpose their unsold products, Hasbro can set an example for other companies in their industry. Ultimately, the issue at hand is a call for accountability. Hasbro needs to reassess its approach to waste management and take steps towards minimizing their contribution to landfill pollution. The world is facing a monumental environmental crisis, and it is the responsibility of corporations and individuals alike to be proactive in finding solutions. Making conscious choices about how we handle waste is crucial if we are to preserve the planet for future generations..
Reviews for "Hasbro's shift away from magic toys underlines the need for sustainable playtime options"
- Jennifer - 1 star
I was really disappointed with Hasbro's decision to relinquish magic to the landfill. It's such a waste of resources and it goes against everything we should be doing to protect the environment. Instead of finding innovative ways to recycle or repurpose their products, they are simply throwing them away. This shows a complete lack of responsibility and disregard for the future of our planet.
- Mark - 2 stars
I understand that Hasbro may have their reasons for disposing of magic, but it just seems like a big missed opportunity. Magic has been a beloved part of their brand for so long and they could have used it as a way to engage and inspire their customers in a different way. Instead, they are choosing to discard it as if it's no longer relevant. I think they should have explored alternatives before resorting to such a wasteful decision.
- Sarah - 3 stars
While I don't necessarily agree with Hasbro relinquishing magic to the landfill, I can understand the financial implications of the decision. As a business, they have to make tough choices sometimes, and if they feel that it's not worth investing in magic anymore, then that's their prerogative. However, I do think they could have handled the situation better by at least exploring other options such as selling or donating the magic to other organizations or individuals who still appreciate it.